by: XHABIR DERALLA
The weaknesses in the implementation of the principle of equitable representation in the institutions and the administration became obvious from the very start of the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. The implementation of this principle was supposed to mean a higher level of respect for human rights and freedoms, but it all came down to abuse of party goals and strengthening clientelism.
During Nikola Gruevski’s regime, the practice of party employment and occupying the institutions turned into a system in which party soldiers and voting machineries were inserted. At the same time, the principle of equitable representation turned into a tool for inciting national chauvinism and extended discrimination.
THE ALBANIANS, THAT UNPLEASENT BURDEN TO THE COUNTRY
And hence, Albanians were employed, but they did not receive job positions. Other ethnic communities had it far worse. It can be presumed that Roma people were employed incomparably least of all, not to mention the job positions. In response to the “framework” employees, the regime responded by employing even more Macedonians.
“Balance” was never achieved. Even though among the Macedonians, employed in the “actions” for employment of the VMRO-DPMNE party army, there were such who didn’t even know where the institution they were employed in is located, that situation was incomparably more emphasized among the Albanians.
According to that logic, it can be said that there are “framework” employees also among the Macedonians, but rarely who sees it that way, because the state and the administration “belong to the Macedonians” and they can “do what they want”. The others are “guests” or an “unpleasant burden” to the country.
DEEP GAP BETWEEN LEGISLATION AND REALITY
In countries where democracy and the rule of law are constantly challenged by authoritarian and narrow-party interests, there is a deep gap between legislation and reality. On paper, the process opened after the Ohrid Framework Agreement in 2001 and the constitutional changes in 2002 was supposed to contribute to an equitable representation of all communities. This was supposed to further contribute to the process of reconciliation and integration into society, to non-discrimination on ethnic grounds and a better quality of services to the citizens.
In reality, this part of the process of integration and implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement caused precisely the opposite effect. Employment according the principle of equitable representation started to be defined in the public as “employment by ethnicity”, for later to gain an uglier meaning with the word “framework employments”, while the employees according to this principle are called “framework employees”. This only strengthened the ethnic stereotypes and prejudices, while the national chauvinists received specific examples to support their views and behaviour.
Today, the term “framework employees” is usually pejorative and describes and Albanian who at the same time is a parasite – doesn’t work, but only “sucks” the state budget. In reality, they were the least ethnic and mostly party employments.
The system was occupied and practically belonged to Gruevski’s nationalists. There was no place for Albanians in the institutions, except for those who in one way or another had to be in their environment, while the rest were not wanted and didn’t even have to show up at work, even if they were paid. On one occasion, analyst Saso Ordanoski quite precisely described Gruevski’s attitude towards the Albanians with the word despise.
NATIONALIST GRUEVSKI
Indeed, Gruevski expresses his despise, and certainly hatred, towards the Albanians also through the manners in which he regulates the constitutional obligations for respect for human rights and freedoms of ethnic communities in the country. At the same time, “the little dictator” (as a foreign press called him at one time) is not alone in this. His entire party has always fostered hatred and despise towards non-Macedonian ethnic communities, and particularly against the Albanians. In fact, it comes as no surprise, as it concerns a nationalist party.
The numerous audio recordings from the wiretapped conversations released by Zoran Zaev in 2015 speak of the ethnic hatred interwoven in the political orientation and political practice of Gruevski’s party (VMRO-DPMNE). “Tribe”, “Shqiptars”, “Shall we make a war?” (meaning against the Albanians) is just part of the vocabulary that Gruevski’s closest collaborators nurtured, and according to the publically released audio recordings, former Minister of Interior Gordana Jankulovska is in the lead, which doesn’t mean she really is a “leader” in nurturing ethnic hatred in VMRO-DPMNE.
Much can be said about Gruevski’s unhidden nationalism, but the main feature of his policy was the strict restriction of “territories”. He “gallantly” paid every claim from his coalition partner, and then showed him his place – in the corner. Later, he returned every “payment” with additional media-propaganda operations that portrayed the Albanians as predatory imposers, while the Macedonians were “victims”.
Gruevski successfully rode on fear, hatred and divisions and turned the attention of the public towards the “dangerous” Albanians every time he needed to. His best “investment” was in the polarization of society on all possible grounds, and above all, the ethnic communities. And later to “discipline” with police, courts, inspections and other much worse ways all of his political enemies, regardless of affiliation.
NATIONALIST AHMETI
Nationalist Ali Ahmeti, regular coalition partner (client) in the government, wasn’t left with too many options, except to play Gruevski’s game. Ahmeti comes to the “solution” to engage his party army, even fictitiously, in order to survive the pressure of the “Albanian part of the public”.
Whether Ahmeti really didn’t have options, whether he was blackmailed, whether it’s about a corrupt relation or he was under some kind of threat, or all of this together, remains relatively unclear to this day.
It also remains unclear why Ahmeti didn’t leave the coalition with Gruevski in 2011. The second early parliamentary elections during the regime were held then; the difference in the number of MPs was by far from what Gruevski expected, in spite of the large number of cases of election manipulations and thefts, as CIVIL reported at one time. Still, Ahmeti, although having the chance to put an end to the regime even back then, remained loyal to his then partner, up to 2016.
Objectively, Ahmeti, since the formation of his party, the Democratic Union for Integration, even if he did know how, didn’t have the opportunity to offer his voters nothing more than a nationalist platform. He is left with the opportunity to fuel the expectations that, when he enters into a coalition with the winner of the “Macedonian side”, he will provide work for the Albanians in the institutions, from ministers to cleaners. Certainly, with a “small condition”, for them to be obedient to him and only him. He can promise that there will be an Albanian flag, that the Albanian language will be as much as possible represented, and (almost) equal to the Macedonian language… And his agenda is exhausted somewhere around here.
It can be disputed how much such an “ethnic program” is a result of the established political forces in the country, and how much of Ahmeti’s inability to impose himself as a creative and equal partner in creating policies at the national, and not ethnic level. Hence, Ahmeti’s long survival was reduced to “selling” of a nationalist rhetoric before the Albanians and continuous bargaining with the bigger partner in power, which later turns into practices that often border with or are direct forms of political corruption. Nothing good can come out of this.
EARNING BREAD
These and many other circumstances have led to a false implementation of the principle of equitable representation of ethnic communities in the institutions and in the administration, which continued the “digging of the deep channel” between the Macedonian and Albanian community. The “diggers” where again Albanians who, like people from other ethnic communities”, got party membership cards in order to have a chance of getting a job. Earning bread, as the Croats would say.
People have got used to seeing political parties as employment agencies, since how policies are formulated and how laws, agreements and principles are practiced don’t mean much to them, but rather bare existence does. If politicians are not consistent, accountable and transparent, if they fulfil obligations just formally, but work hard on satisfying narrow-party interests and strengthening nationalist positions and narratives of the “ordinary mortals”, they have no other option but to adapt to the dictate of politics and to gather the crumbs from the floor. And whatever will be, will be.
Simply, the principle of equitable representation of ethnic communities was systematically and vulgarly abused during Gruevski’s regime. The tails of that massive abuse are dragging on to this day.
THE WARM MARITAL BED OF GRUEVSKI AND AHMETI
Some of the “framework employees” never got a job, and hence not a single work assignment. They didn’t know of any other task but to be blindly obedient to the party infantry and voters. Gruevski employed them in order to maintain the warm marital bed (coalition) with Ahmeti, but he expressed his nationalist despise against the Albanians by not allowing all those from actually getting job positions in the institutions and enterprises where he employed them.
The “framework” administration workers were not only a corrupt procedure for maintaining Gruevski’s government coalition. They were abused every time there was a need to hit on one of the most sensitive topics in the Macedonian society – interethnic relations.
The public was manipulated also by the smoke curtain that the media propaganda carried out. Hence, the fact that the problem is not the very principle of equitable representation, but its abuse as a tool for promotion of nationalist narratives and deepened hatred against the Albanians remained invisible. So, instead of pointing the criticism against the abuses, it was directed against those employed in this scheme, accompanied by prejudgments and hate speech on ethnic grounds.
NECESSARY EVIL IMPOSED BY THE WEST
In parallel to the abuses with the employments and other policies regulating inter-ethnic relations, an anti-Western sentiment also developed, by fostering a narrative that the Ohrid Framework Agreement was “imposed on us” by the West that “protects the Albanians” and wants to “defile the pure Macedonian race”.
From a process of reconciliation and integration, the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement turned into an “inevitable evil”, imposed by the West. Often there were talks about a “second half”, in which the final face-off with the Albanians would make the “millennium dream” about a pure Macedonia come true.
The nationalists solve everything by hitting at the most sensitive topic – interethnic relations. Everyone who has political ambitions, but does not have skills and a vision, raises their voice and “enriches” the vocabulary with a nationalist vocabulary. The irresponsible politicians solve intra-party, inter-party, electoral and other problems in society in a short procedure – with national chauvinism and right-wing populism.
The “framework employees” are a convenient tool for solving the problems. They have become one of the most obvious illustrations about how a necessary solution can turn into a big problem and tool for political manipulation and nationalism.
WHEN THE PROPAGANDA EQUATES THE PROBLEM WITH THE SOLUTION
This structure of the government of Zoran Zaev, with all of its strengths and weaknesses, amidst the Covid pandemic, has taken the time and resources to give the “framework employees” a real job. Finally, after two decades of nationalist manipulations, the people employed according to the principle of equitable representation will receive real job positions. They will be able to go to work and truly earn their salary. Perhaps some of them will have to go through training in order to “get in shape”, perhaps some will be less useful, but one big injustice and humiliation will be removed from the long list of problems that have mounted up with the irresponsible policies in the past.
The solution to find real engagement for those employed according to the principle of equitable representation is not to the liking of the nationalists of all party and ethnic colors. Unfortunately, part of the public swallowed the bait of the propaganda centers, and so this solution came “under attack”. Without taking a look at the fact that the “framework employees” previously used to receive salaries for not coming to work, and now they are coming to work, in order to earn the salary.
In other words, if the “framework employees” used to be shamed because some of them (let me repeat and stress: some of them) didn’t come to work, though received salaries, now the solution for them to come to work has become a target. What’s the problem, the Macedonians don’t want to work in the same office as the Albanians? Or is the problem in that the problems can’t be separated from the solutions, because of the black propaganda?
THE HIGH POLITICAL PRICE OF RATIONAL SOLUTIONS
Interethnic peace and coexistence will cost quite a bit if space is given only to formal and short-term political solutions brought about by national chauvinists and populists. Their only political reflex is to find a way round human rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution, laws and international law.
There is no other alternative, but to work carefully and hard on establishing principles of real equality, non-discrimination and lawfulness in creating policies and practices. However, rational solutions based on respect for the principles of impartiality and equality can often have a high political price for those who have the political will to implement them.
Long has been the road from the Ohrid Framework Agreement, created to stop a bloody civil war, to the concept of “One Society for All”, which opens opportunities for the Macedonian society to nurture European values, such as respect for diversity, multiculturalism, equality and freedom of all citizens.
At the moment, two concepts are opposed: on the one hand is the progressive concept “One Society for All”, in which all citizens are equal, and on the other hand is the nationalist concept, according to which the communities should remain buried in their ethnic trenches and look at each other with hatred, insecurity and fear. And in the meantime, the nationalist “elites” are getting rich off the backs of the poor and frightened.
translation: N. Cvetkovska
