In the wake of a dramatic diplomatic escalation between Germany and Georgia, this interview with Dr Wolfgang Ressmann, President of Media Dialogue and co-founder of the Defending Democracy Global Initiative, provides an incisive look at what is at stake.
Germany’s recall of its ambassador to Tbilisi is being interpreted not only as a protest but as a potential shift in Western strategy toward Georgia.
Dr Ressmann draws on years of experience across Eastern Europe and the Caucasus to examine the stakes: the growing hard-line authoritarian slope in Georgia, Berlin’s next steps, Moscow’s influence, and the vital role of civil society and media in this critical moment. For journalists, analysts and civil-society actors alike, his reflections map out the complex interplay of diplomacy, domestic politics and democratic resilience at a regional – and European – turning point.
JABIR DERALLA: Hello everyone. I’m speaking to Dr Wolfgang Ressmann, President of Media Dialogue from Germany and Head of the international organisation New European People’s Forum. He has extensive experience in the media and civil-society sphere, and today we’ll discuss recent developments and critical issues in Europe. Hello Dr Ressmann — how are you? Thank you for taking the time to be with us today.
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Hello Mr Deralla — great to meet you here.
JABIR DERALLA: Let’s begin with one of the most pressing issues: Germany’s recent recall of its ambassador to Georgia. That signals more than just a protest. Understanding how civil-society actors like Media Dialogue interpret possible next steps can help us foresee and plan for the broader strategic environment. What are your findings?
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Thank you very much for this question. We’re indeed witnessing a serious development in Georgia. The key sign is that the German government called the German ambassador — Peter Fischer — back for reporting to Berlin. This is a serious sign, but it’s the result of a longer-term trend in Georgia.
Georgia was the first post-Soviet country which sought orientation towards the EU — aiming for EU membership and even NATO in the beginning after the Soviet collapse. A large process of democratisation started. But now we are seeing a rollback — very urgent, quite dramatic for civil society.
For Media Dialogue this means many consequences at the moment for our work in Georgia and for our cooperation with Georgian partners. Usually we run projects in Georgia — together with our partners from universities or NGOs — organising media trainings, discussing democratic press issues and so on, free from government influence. This year, however, things changed: the Georgian government wanted to see the contract we have with the German government as a German NGO. Because of that we couldn’t run our usual project in Georgia this year.
We travelled to Georgia for two days; we had a meeting at the German embassy, discussing the Georgian government’s repression of democratic forces and, I would say, the democratic majority in Georgia.
JABIR DERALLA: So, you had conversations at the German embassy in Tbilisi. What were the main take-aways? I understand much was behind closed doors, but what key findings can you share?
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: The main focus in those talks was the German role in Georgia’s democratisation process. We discussed the current situation and how our partners — our friends and colleagues — are operating under conditions that could be, and in fact are, dangerous. We discussed how to handle this situation.
One result was that we agreed to shift some of our activities: instead of our Georgian participants being in Georgia, this time they will take part in the Media Dialogue programme at other European locations — for instance the Armenian or Berlin segments — rather than inside Georgia. This was also discussed with embassy representatives.
JABIR DERALLA: As someone with extensive experience and deep knowledge about the region — including Georgia — and also someone who understands German politics, I would like to know what might be the next move of the German government in this context. Especially in respect of the recent developments and the diplomatic escalation with Georgia. What do you assess will be Germany’s next move?
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Now, I think the fact that the ambassador went home to report to Berlin was a strong sign to the Georgian government that a point has been reached where consultations are no longer enough — where confrontation is at the centre.
I believe the sign is also important to show that a change of policy – not only by Germany, but by the European Union regarding support for Georgia — economically, politically — can be suspended as one possible reaction. But also that our solidarity, and the solidarity of civil society, is with the democrats, the NGOs and the democratic public in Georgia — supporting the hundreds of thousands of Georgians taking to the streets to say “no” to this government’s politics. Civil society is really fighting in Georgia, and I think our common task — the German/EU government and NGOs — is to support the civil-society protests. This is one sign, and the next steps in the fight for democratic development in Georgia are not over: let’s say they might just be beginning.
JABIR DERALLA: What internal and external pressures will shape Berlin’s decision-making in the coming weeks and months?
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Let’s see. It’s a question of how the ruling “Georgian Dream” party reacts, in its confrontational politics. It’s also about what is happening economically. It’s about Russia–Georgia relations. That’s the main background point: the interests of “Georgian Dream” and of its leadership, which have strong financial stakes in Georgia, may lean toward closer connections with Russia.
It depends on the developments in Ukraine as well—if there is a possibility for peace, and what kind of peace it will be. Also, Turkey plays a role in the region and in Georgia; it should not be underestimated. So you have several players, multiple interests, and the situation is a very complicated “chess game” in this region.
One point to remember: Russia’s war includes Georgia’s break-away regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, so the Russian role in Georgia is long-standing and crucial. The Georgian government uses fear — fear of imprisonment, fear for journalists, arrests and police brutality. On the other hand, the people in the Caucasus are strong and defiant. The government in Tbilisi, in some respects, even competes with the occupied territories in being closer to Moscow than them — and practices a brutal authoritarian regime against its own population. So the German move now could ease pressure on democratic forces in Georgia, but it remains to be seen how Tbilisi will react to Germany: will it attempt reconciliation, or escalate rhetoric and continue confrontational politics against Europe and Germany?
JABIR DERALLA: It gives us a very complicated regional and international set of factors, players and actors — it’s like a very complicated chess game. Good that you mentioned them. On another point: It looks like the government in Tbilisi is sometimes competing with South Ossetia and Abkhazia (authorities backed by the Kremlin). In that context, the German moves could be critical. Do you see the German action as potentially easing pressure on democratic forces in Georgia? And how do you foresee Tbilisi reacting to Germany’s actions?
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Yes — Georgia’s constitution declares EU membership as a goal. At the moment, this process is stalled. On the other hand, Russia is no longer as strong as before its full-scale war in Ukraine. Georgia isn’t a very wealthy country; it needs international trade and the international community — especially the European community and Germany as a key actor. So it’s not easy for Georgia to drift fully toward the Kremlin. Also, a large part of Georgia is occupied by Russia — that complicates things.
The ruling “Georgian Dream” is a right-wing populist government. If you look at European right-wing populists, cooperation is often not their priority; separation is. So there is a lot unclear at this moment. I think pressure — political and economic — on the Tbilisi government, plus strong support for Georgian opposition and NGOs (including enabling them to operate outside Georgia) is crucial. For example: one of our participants told us there was a Georgian film-festival now in Poland; we now invite Georgian activists and NGO representatives to participate in our Media Dialogue projects (in Ukraine, Moldova) because they need help.
The issue isn’t just that the Georgian government cuts off foreign-funded NGO help (like the US had done under Trump); it’s also about showing who stands behind what globally in this contest.
JABIR DERALLA: Absolutely. Sure. There is another set of issues especially about the response of civil society, independent media — not only in Georgia but in the broader region and in Europe and beyond. In that context, with your extensive experience in the region and your current involvement in Georgia with Media Dialogue, can you tell us: what role can civil society play here? And in particular: what role can independent media and journalists play? Also, can you provide examples of what civil-society organisations (regionally and from Europe) — including from North Macedonia and via the Defending Democracy Global Initiative which you co-founded — can and should do?
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: First of all: we have to inform about developments in Georgia. We have to inform our audiences in Western Europe, in the Balkans; everyone must understand that Georgia is part of Europe and a very important part in terms of Russian foreign policy. What Russia is doing to the West — to Poland, the Baltic states, the Balkans — it’s also doing in the Caucasus region.
The fight for democracy, human rights and against Russian imperialism, hybrid warfare, supporting Ukraine are all linked. The developments in Georgia are part of this bigger picture. Therefore we must inform our audiences: show the big picture, not just Georgia as a little country. In our media — TV, online — we need to show Georgia as an important puzzle piece of global developments. We must hold our governments, parliaments, the EU institutions accountable: push them to focus on Georgia and show why it matters. Also, our contacts with Georgian NGOs/universities must not be cut off by the Georgian government’s efforts (for example via foreign-agent laws) to shut them down. We are working on new ways (e.g., Erasmus+ projects) to ensure cooperation continues, and that these cannot be easily blocked by Tbilisi.
These are big challenges but they can work: we need to show that the Georgian protest movement and opposition are not forgotten, and that there are working possibilities with effect.
JABIR DERALLA: Yes, Dr Ressmann, it’s indeed a very important point you’re making. We must not let Georgian society be forgotten. We learned that in a difficult way in the Ukrainian example—after the first aggression of the Kremlin against Ukraine in 2014—as we waited too long to respond to expansionism and imperialism from the Kremlin, and also earlier against Georgia (South Ossetia, other crises).
Now is the time to respond to these imperial operations and stand up against authoritarian rule that represses democratic forces, disregards fundamental human rights and freedoms, the rights to information, freedom of assembly. This isn’t only about Georgia but about all societies facing democratic backsliding — which you also addressed in the October conference on “Defending Democracy: Battlefield of Truth” in Skopje. We need to connect and work together to stop authoritarian trends in the region and beyond.
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Yes — the task is to build a firewall where right-wing populists have no escape.
JABIR DERALLA: That’s right. Thank you very much, Dr Ressmann, for being here with us today. Let’s stay in touch about the updates and developments and especially about the important work you’re doing with Media Dialogue and the Defending Democracy Global Initiative. Thank you very much once again. Goodbye.
DR WOLFGANG RESSMANN: Thank you very much.