XHABIR DERALLA

Right after the press conference of the “alternatives” (not of Tupurkovski, but of Gashi), I had an interesting conversation with a close friend of mine, otherwise one of the best analysts in the country. I will convey part of our conversation of what I remember and will ask several (rhetorical) questions that were not asked, and even less answered by the politicians of Alternativa.

This text is written, not because of the significance of the very press conference of Alternativa, but because it’s a very good illustration of the naivety with which the political transformations are explained. The public reaction is an even greater illustration of the giddiness or intended hiding of the real questions.

From a rebel to an obedient

Let’s recapitulate. Alternativa MP Skender Rexhepi – Zejd stood out in the public with one unusual bold step. He came out with a position completely opposite to the course of his party, which, in search for power, squatted in the lap of Mickoski and Apasiev. He said that he doesn’t agree with the action of his party and that he would be persuading the party to change its decision.

Zejd also stated that he is prepared to give up his position as MP and his membership in the party. Basically, he didn’t obey his party, following his conscience and for a good cause. With this, Zejd deserves the public applauses.

All of sudden, a DPMNE MP, with just one Facebook post, managed to convince him in the opposite. How’s that? Very strange. Too strange, even for the Balkan style of running politics. Similar to the character twists in the legendary series “Gotham”.

What is it that DPMNE can do, but not Afrim Gashi

What is it that DPMNE can do but not Afrim Gashi and the whole party leadership of Alternativa?

Suddenly, literally overnight, Zejd changed his decision and obediently stood on the podium next to his party president.

How’s that? What did DPMNE do (to him) or offer Zejd? Was there no pressure or indecent proposals? Where’s the logic? There have to be answers to these questions. We don’t need to ask questions about the morality.

DPMNE tried to convince the public that Zejd is under pressure, from SDSM and DUI, when he expressed his opinion, based on his own moral judgement. Even he himself, quite naively, is making excuses that “just so it isn’t that he was caught by SDSM and DUI”, he decided to return to the cobweb. Nowadays, not even the children are so naïve, so I won’t use the phrase “stories for little children”.

Naïve excuses

The main excuse of some of the three parties of the Albanians (all together they are matching the number of DUI MPs) is that their goal is to overthrow DUI.

This excuse is naïve, especially in light of the processes (EU, reforms in the judiciary, One Society for All), which the Mickoski-Apasiev pair is fighting against. They are fighting for power, like the one we had until 2016, in which hatred against the Albanians was and remained a norm.

The only “victory” is in the removal of the anyway insignificant apasievs from Mickoski’s tent.

It’s silly to say the fight is “morally clean” with the removal of the signature of the apasievs. If the apasievs vote together with them, it doesn’t matter whether they have put a formal signature on the initiative or not. How many times do we need to say that this excuse doesn’t hold water? Their members and voters are not naïve. At least most are not.

It’s not good to be so short-sighted in politics. It’s very obvious that in this porridge there are much more spices.

Russian players

The main initiators, Mickoski and Apasiev (without a formal signature, but with practical participation in the operation) are not saying whether they have a plan on what to do next, after the vote of no confidence. But this is just seemingly so. It can be seen from the Moon that it concerns a well-devised and expensively paid operation, with a plan that has not been developed in Skopje or anywhere in North Macedonia.

The plan is devised in Moscow, while the logistics center is in Budapest. That is the axis on which the leaders of the three parties of the Albanians are on, which portray their “fight” as a fight against DUI. Zaev is not mentioned much in their narrative.

Obviously, the price to be for or against DUI is mind-blowingly high. After all, to be a player, even a Russian one, is no small thing. With or without the “fingerprint” of the apasievs.

But all this also adds on to the analysis of the Slovenian IFIMES, and certainly also to the numerous previous analyses that have alerted about the “Russian finger” in the Macedonian politics and election processes.

Is it really that important to the Albanian politicians to come to power, even as Russian serfs, and on the side of the anti-Albanian and anti-Western structures?

Facing the consequences of this operation will be unpleasant for all, not only for the protagonists of this political-spy thriller. Regardless of the outcome of the vote of no confidence in the government of Zaev.

Translation: N. Cvetkovska