By Xhabir Deralla
When Mickoski first stepped onto the political stage, there was no trace of progressivism or modernity. His vision was clear from the very beginning: maintaining nationalist policies and fulfilling an anti-Western agenda. With his rise to power, he remains far from leading the country toward a prosperous future. On the contrary, his policies represent a deliberate regression, a return to a past where divisions, isolation, manipulation, and fear “thrive.” Violence is not only not excluded but is a very real option.
Mickoski’s vision is not merely political rhetoric; it is a meaningful strategy to reactivate old tensions and promote anti-Western sentiment. His rhetoric constantly resonates with the dangerous allure of nationalism, promising a return to so-called “traditional values,” “pride,” “our Macedonia,” and “liberation from the tyranny of the minority” – against the principles of democracy, progress, and respect for diversity, equality, and fairness, cooperation, and European integration. And – he is determined to turn that rhetoric into reality by seizing institutions and firmly controlling the media and finances.
In a world where moderate and progressive forces are desperately fighting to defend democratic values and the international order, Mickoski seems determined to join the other side – the club of authoritarian regimes – and isolate the country, placing it on a track opposite to democratic Europe. In fact, his promises have never meant striving for progress, but rather a return to times when fear reigned and when societal and state interests were stagnant. And now, these promises are being fulfilled – they do not lead us forward but backward.
Mickoski and his followers and political allies expressed their NO, THANK YOU to the EU integration process back in July 2022. His vocabulary has not changed at all over the years. If we look at his press conference on July 1, 2022. The public probably remembers the violent protests against what they called the “French” proposal that erupted immediately after Mickoski’s press conference, during which several dozen police officers were injured, and extreme nationalist slogans like “Gas chambers for Albanians” and “Pure Macedonia” were heard.
The essence of the messages of the party now in power is identical to those in the electoral campaign for the presidential and parliamentary elections in April and May 2024. This was what the majority of citizens of North Macedonia voted for. And let’s not kid ourselves; those in the ruling coalition are now allies of the party that has said NO to the EU for years. They also said NO to NATO previously, making maximum efforts – together with the openly pro-Russian far-right Left – to block the Prespa Agreement.
The VMRO-DPMNE’s NO is not new at all. The anti-European course of right-wing parties led by VMRO-DPMNE has been evident for decades. What we see today is merely a continuation of the politics first established in the yellow house in the city center, upon whose foundations the white monstrosity emerged, the headquarters of one of the richest political parties in Europe. Its former leader, Gruevski, smiled for 11 years, telling the EU and the USA YES, but in reality did literally everything an authoritarian regime could do to isolate the country and thwart Euro-Atlantic integration processes.
Mickoski goes even a step further than his predecessor. He offers the EU a “European approach” while disqualifying Brussels’ efforts in which the positions of 27 member states are merged (!), dismissing them as a “dictate” to which he says NO, THANK YOU. Yes, it is the EU that should listen to him and act European, not he and his government – that is Mickoski’s stance. And this is not a new political position for Mickoski. His spokesperson once stated that the EU should adjust to the values of the party (!) and that it is “normal not to want to be part of a union with which we do not share the same principles.” It is curious to mention that from that party, they denied the text and video released after this TV appearance. As usual, when something does not suit them, they have no problem (nor shame) denying even the most obvious facts.
The current president endorsed by VMRO-DPMNE also does not deviate from the anti-Western stance, even though she tries to wrap it in grape leaf sarma and verbal acrobatics. Just remember her statement where she “establishes” that Europe is subject to Americanization, and the world is “multipolar.” Let alone her clear nationalist positions.
For someone who constantly boasts of being a good mathematician, Mickoski uses clichés and vague assessments far too often, and for someone who is a university professor besides being prime minister, he behaves unacceptably arrogantly and derogatorily toward all who do not think like him. He does not stop repeating that the politicians from the previous government had no “spine,” while he himself has “spine” – the main argument for his NO, THANK YOU.
One might wonder. Something that the world recognizes as an example of leadership and successful politics and diplomacy, he calls a lack of “spine.” And of course, many believe this because the propaganda machinery continues to openly claim that Macedonians are victims of a conspiracy, thereby creating space for other destructive narratives. And whenever there is a crack in the facade, there are the Albanians, who are “newcomers” wanting “to destroy Macedonia (never North).” But Mickoski and his team are there “to show the Albanians their place” – through the vulgar abuse of institutions and propaganda.
Those trying to “correct” Mickoski when he says that a “huge majority” or “huge number” of Macedonian citizens agree with him should know that when he says “Macedonian citizens,” he only means ethnic Macedonians. This can also be concluded based on Mickoski’s attitude toward his Albanian coalition partners, at whom he looks down on, sometimes patronizingly, sometimes with disdain. And he does not hide it.
A small digression in favor of the previous statement: Frustrated by their position at the bottom of the government’s hierarchy, officials from ZNAM are becoming even more rude and direct in their attacks against their Albanian coalition partners. Nonetheless, all coalition partners together have not shown a true intention to meet the needs of both Macedonians and Albanians (whose stance on Euro-Atlantic processes is maximally affirmative, over 80%, as confirmed by several public opinion polls).
As I previously wrote, the narrative with which Mickoski operates is simple, devoid of facts and arguments – based on the stance “take it or leave it” and “every product has its buyer,” with endless repetition that he has “spine,” while those before him did not. For “dictates” – no, thank you – he asserts, and even claims to be “in love” with European values and that he himself offers Europe a “European approach.” He treats the state as a bride who has neither a successful career nor is inclined to be a good housewife, is not particularly rich, nor is she a beauty, but behaves as if all the desirable suitors in the world should fight to propose to her. These narratives, as simple and shallow as they are, are also destructive. But they are based on a deep conviction, stance, and strategy for a quick return to the past.
Of course, there is much fantasizing and idolization here. (For the following sentence, I know the person will take it as a compliment.) Mickoski has long, especially since he took the prime ministerial chair, resembled the Serbian president, the autocrat Aleksandar Vučić. Joking aside, it is more than obvious the influence Vučić has on Mickoski. Simply put, he is his idol. Besides the style of conducting campaigns, the messages, and narratives that (are not) hidden behind the statements, Mickoski believes he can be like Vučić, even look like Vučić, and practice politics like Vučić — flirting with the EU and the US while playing with Russia and China. The “strategic partnership” with Hungary and the Chinese loan via Budapest is one of the more significant, but not the only, examples of Mickoski’s convictions.
Well, Mickoski wants to be Vučić. But there is a serious problem here. North Macedonia is not Serbia on any grounds — political, geostrategic, economic, demographic, or any other characteristic. Without delving into the delicate political and geostrategic issues, it is enough to compare the GDP of Serbia with that of North Macedonia. While the projection of Serbia’s GDP for 2024 is nearly 82 billion dollars, for North Macedonia, it amounts to just under 16 billion dollars. Those who understand know that Mickoski cannot be Vučić, no matter how much he wants to, and North Macedonia cannot attain the status of Serbia in international politics, which, to be fair, is not lacking in hypocrisy.
Anyway, none of this is important anymore. In countries with authoritarian regimes, where the ruling structures have a comfortable parliamentary majority, a confused and weak opposition, control over the media, and favor from big capital — all dreams and fantasies can turn into reality, and complexes and frustrations can be treated in a sadistic game with no visible end.
So, between what seemed like a real opportunity for the North just a few months ago and what are now the fantasies and ambitions of the head of the government — an endless abyss yawns. There is no bridge that can connect Mickoski’s positions and politics with the state interests for integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. In short, the first 100 days of Mickoski’s government do not promise anything good for integration processes. But that is what the man has promised all these years. It is not true that he lied during the election campaign. On the contrary, what Mickoski, his team, and the president promise, supported by like-minded people in the media, NGO fronts, academia, and even in the parties that were previously in power — they are fulfilling. They are leading the country with swift and significant steps — backward. And this has never been some sort of secret.
The point is: What Mickoski and his team promised, they are fulfilling: “Macedonia is proud again” — where systemic discrimination and structural violence prevail. And they are fulfilling the promise — as they know and can, no matter how it appears to the eyes of a normal person in the third decade of the 21st century.
To summarize. Mickoski’s rhetoric is not just a political stance — it is a dangerous game that risks pulling North Macedonia from its rightful place in the Euro-Atlantic community. His anti-Western narratives, wrapped in a multilayered campaign to strengthen nationalist sentiments and claims based on lies and anti-Western narratives, are identical to the tactics used by authoritarian regimes in the region and across Europe. If not exposed, this approach will throw the country into isolation, destroy the gains of democratic processes, and seriously jeopardize the stability guaranteed by the alliances of the democratic West.
The future of North Macedonia depends on the collective commitment to truth and unity, no matter how idealistic this may sound now, after the most convincing election victory of nationalists in the 34-year history of the country (plus, as the ruling party’s narrative goes, the 2000-year “history” of Alexander’s Macedonia). It is vital for progressive citizens, political and civil entities, and the media to remain vigilant and resist the temptation to be suppressed by populist rhetoric and dangerous political moves. The stakes are high — not only for the Euro-Atlantic integration of the country but also for preserving democratic values and long-term prosperity. Mickoski has clearly stated his position for years, and it is entirely contrary to the processes that ensure stability, democracy, and prosperity in the country. I don’t know why there are still those who believe that reality is different.
This is an opinion article. The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the author. All rights reserved.
