DRAGAN MISHEV
Ahead of the local elections, the political campus in North Macedonia is marked by intensified political messages and clearly expressed opposing narratives between the two largest parties from the Macedonian bloc – the ruling VMRO-DPMNE and the opposition SDSM. Both parties are running sharp campaigns that mobilize their membership, but also deepen polarization among the public, at the same time creating an atmosphere where citizens become targets of negative campaigning, disinformation, hate speech, and manipulation.
Instead of local issues being in the focus of the campaign such as urban planning, communal services, or ecology, in this pre-election atmosphere, four dominant narratives shape the public discourse among the largest parties in the Macedonian bloc:
- Identity issues – the division between patriots and traitors (inclusion of the Bulgarian community in the Constitution; change of name)
- Interethnic relations – nationalist narratives, primarily in relation to Albanians
- European integration of the country
- Standard of citizens
Dominant tone: Negative campaigning, disinformation, and hate speech
VMRO-DPMNE’s narrative of a “national project for the renewal of Macedonia” shaken by SDSM and DUI, present in all segments of the political campaign
As the ruling party, VMRO-DPMNE is running with a strategy of presenting its government as a corrector and savior after “years of decline under SDSM in partnership with DUI”. The central message is that the local elections should strengthen the government and give new momentum to the “national project for the renewal of Macedonia”, which has been a key slogan, a framework of VMRO-DPMNE’s election campaigns since 2020, although throughout the entire previous period VMRO-DPMNE has been in power in the majority of municipalities in the country.
Mickoski and the party highlight infrastructure, energy and local investments provided through the questionable loan from Hungary, but also through borrowing agreements with other countries, while in parallel the campaign is accompanied by fierce attacks on the opposition.
In the media space, which is almost entirely under the influence of the ruling party, Prime Minister Mickoski doesn’t “get off” the program, his statements are repeated several times a day, and aggressive messages are used that portray SDSM as a “party of betrayal” and a “party that sold out the country,” thus mobilizing the emotions of their own supporters.
There is now an increasing emphasis on economic trends, wages and inflation, which are presented through rose-colored glasses in the statements by the party’s communications center, and by manipulating numbers, it wants to present that the people are living better now than before.
Additionally, alternative forms of campaigning are also being used, with questionable and non-transparent financing, such as the musical caravan “Macedonia, we carry you in our hearts”, which gathers singers who participate in VMRO-DPMNE’s election campaigns and by performing patriotic songs they organize concerts across the country to awaken national sentiment.
The commitment to EU membership is often mentioned, but within the framework of its own conditions and interpretations, with sharp criticism of the international compromises made by the previous government, the alleged unfair attitude of the EU towards the country, and by repeating the rigid stance against the constitutional changes to include Bulgarians in the Constitution.
Prime Minister Mickoski, although calling for unity, nonetheless, rejects all initiatives and attempts by the opposition to act together to find a way out of the deadlock in which the country’s EU integration has led. Furthermore, the card of interethnic tensions is being played again, as in the case of the polarization at the Prime Minister level with Deputy Prime Minister Medziti over the role of the UCK, as well as the discord between Mickoski and Minister of Justice Filkov over the announcement of changing the Badinter principle.
And in all this defocus from the government’s failure to deal with the low salaries of workers, the high costs and the empty grocery basket, with spins about luxury yachts of Zaev and Filipče, Mickoski, in an unprecedented attempt, announced the possibility of the government appointing trustees in municipalities if, according to him, a problem arises in the electoral process with the participation of independent candidates who need only two signatures from citizens in the electoral unit, which in turn could increase the number of candidates and make the ballot long and confusing. Soon afterwards, the President of the SEC (State Election Commission), Boris Kondarko, dismissed the possibility of a standstill in the electoral process.
However, it must be noted that the ruling VMRO-DPMNE, despite using state resources to the maximum, most often acts from an opposition position in the campaign.
SDSM: Criticism of government policies for the restoration of authoritarian models and defense of the European future
The opposition SDSM builds its campaign on criticism of the ruling party with the narrative that the country is moving towards restoration of authoritarian models. The party warns that the local elections are a test for democracy and the European perspective. The thesis is emphasized that VMRO-DPMNE is returning the state to isolation, politicizing the administration and abusing power for narrow party interests, but, on the other hand, SDSM, instead of purely programmatic debate, also resorts to harsh qualifications and warnings about the “danger of capturing the state”.
At the same time, it is emphasized that in the past period, both at the state and local level, the ruling VMRO-DPMNE has betrayed the citizens by failing to deliver on promised projects.
SDSM is mobilizing its supporters with the message of “defending the European future“, presenting itself as a modern and reformist alternative. In public discourse, they insist that democracy and European integration are under threat and that the local elections will be a test of resistance to the “restoration of old practices.”
In regards to VMRO-DPMNE’s accusations that they were in a subordinate role in the governing coalition with DUI, they respond that in the current government coalition, too much is being allowed to the Albanian partner VLEN, frequently referring to the example of the Municipality of Čair, where, according to them, Prime Minister Mickoski, together with Minister of Interior, Panče Toskovski, cannot stand in the way of the illegal constructions and arbitrariness of VLEN officials.
In its criticism of the ruling party, SDSM emphasizes that VMRO-DPMNE has brought the country into the greatest economic uncertainty, citizens pay, oligarchs profit, as well as the rise in crime, insecurity in the country and the threatening way of governing by VMRO-DPMNE, which has turned Macedonia into Beirut –murders, threats and fear dominating the streets.
However, it seems that the opposition SDSM is not agile enough, its actions are mainly limited to scanty statements, without real action, and it appears as if the largest Macedonian opposition party fails to point out the obvious “missteps” of the political opponent in power, such as when Mickoski’s initiative to include identity issues in the EU’s progress report on the country failed, and soon after, the disappearance of the Macedonian minority from the State Department’s report on the human rights situation in Bulgaria.
The narratives prevailing ahead of the local elections are clear – VMRO-DPMNE presents itself as the party that is renewing the state and restoring stability, with the preservation of the Macedonian identity and language. On the other hand, SDSM positions itself as the guardian of democracy and the European course, which they believe is under threat.
The narratives prevailing ahead of the local elections are clear – VMRO-DPMNE is presenting itself as a party that is rebuilding the state and restoring stability, by preserving the Macedonian identity and language, while SDSM is positioning itself as the guarantor of democracy and the European course, which they believe is under threat.
Dirty campaign: disinformation and manipulation
Both sides use close-knit media outlets to spread negative narratives, often mixing facts with speculation that only deepen the gap between an already divided electorate.
The pre-election atmosphere on the ground is already polarized, with sharp clashes at rallies, media appearances, and especially on social media. The campaign is more focused on mobilizing their own membership than on winning over undecided voters.
The public discourse is filled with insults, labels and demonization of the opponent, using terms like “traitors”, “patriots“, “mafia” and “enemies of the state”, personal disqualifications of candidates, which creates an atmosphere of hostility, instead of a competition of ideas.
Hate speech has especially escalating on social media, where armies of party sympathizers and bots intensify aggressive rhetoric and contribute to disinformation chaos.
The local elections, although formally related to municipal policies, are again turning into a national political test and a battle for dominance of the major parties. Instead of a competition in visions for local development, the campaign has turned into a struggle for symbolic dominance, where each side portrays the other as an existential threat. Negative campaigning, disinformation and hate speech dominate, which undermines citizens’ trust and reduces the possibility of a substantive debate on the future of municipalities.
