As of mid-March this year, one of the key state institutions for the fight against corruption – the State Commission for the Prevention of Corruption (SCPC), officially has not been functioning. The tsunami of resignations that the SEC went through in December 2017, has transferred to the SCPC, and resignations have started lining up there as well. The SCPC tried, during its functioning, to keep a low profile and to avoid the radar of the public. during that time, it managed skillfully to hide the corruption of Gruevski’s clique, and to engage in the attacks against the civil society.
The fall of the SCPC didn’t attract attention, although the harms this institution caused are great and far-reaching. On the other hand, not even the SEC people, nor Gruevski’s agents from the SCPC, did receive enough attention from the public, and even less, faced responsibility for the abuses. The referendum also passed without a state anti-corruption institution, which is contrary to the standards…But who’s to think about that now too?
Corrupt anti-corruption
It was known for quite a while, and after it was also revealed that in the SCPC there are all kinds of stuff, just not a fight against corruption. That is the institution that ordered investigations against those who didn’t think like Gruevski, and was blind to the corruption among the lines of his regime.
We also found out that in the SCPS, in addition to that there is “blindness” for the government’s corruption, there had also been abuse of public money, fierce partisation and a bad attitude towards the employees. And then the resignations began. And? What do you mean and? And then, nothing.
As far as I know, there are lavishing appanages for the former president of the SCPC, Igor Tanturovski, Gruevski’s man in the institution and one of the members, Farie Aliu, whose position
was approved by Ali Ahmeti from the time of the faithful coalition with VMRO-DPMNE. If you dig deeper, you will find out that Suzana Tashkova Adzikotareva and Najdo Spasovski, though still not having submitted their resignations, are not going to work anymore as of end of March. But they are receiving their salaries regularly. The other three, on the other hand, Milenkov, Sejdi and Damcevska, have just smoothly returned to their previous workplaces.
Instead of responsibility – a reward! Appanages, jobs, salaries without working…These are the benefits for faithfully serving Gruevski’s regime.
“Unnatural” transfers
We saw all kinds of stuff in this past year, and after VMRO-DPMNE’s falling apart, we are yet to see “unnatural” transfers and looping of officials and other stunts. But does our greatest wound – corruption – have to remain completely uncured? Following the report of the international group for fight against corruption, GRECO, and the clear warnings that the authorities have to deliver legal and institutional solutions, the Ministry of Justice has put itself into action, and so have the non-governmental frauds.
First there was a legal solution for a new, reformed SCPC, and then another, and a third, combined from the previous two…and then consultations with NGOs, or whatever it’s called…Consultations, public debates…With one version being incomplete, and another not giving them good enough (but promised!) positions, with mistakes in steps, with no time and…. now we have a law on anti-corruption that has entered governmental procedure.
And don’t you worry the least about Gruevski’s old SCPC; appanages are flowing, salaries are coming regularly, while the new SCPC is yet to be consulted.
Where’s the logic here?
My sources from various institutions tell me about the details of these processes (court games, you know!), but now the most important point is precisely that law, with which the fight against corruption that has not started has to be led. From what I receive as material, with the comparative analyses that can be performed in a short period of time, the newest version of the anti-corruption law (Law on Prevention of Corruption and Conflict of Interest) is some kind of compromise between the recommendations of GRECO, the individual and group appetites and the inability to prepare a law in such a tight period of time, especially since so much time has been lost on pointless debates and waiting for “Dad to change the lightbulb in the kitchen”.
According to the law, which is now in governmental procedure, it is anticipated for the SCPC to be comprised of seven members (like before), even though the previous proposal provided space for 5 members. In Ukraine, the anti-corruption commission has five members, in Montenegro an Agency was established with a director and five members of the Council of the Agency, whereas the “stingy” Slovenians have an anti-corruption commission of only three members! Where’s the logic here?
The expert- professional segment of the new SCPC will be small. Those who are supposed to run the work the way it should be, those who are in the “mine” and who have to “dig” are the ones who are the fewest in the region. The fewest, but that is why they are also paid the least! In the Slovenian commission, there are over 40 employees who are professionally employed, in Montenegro 60 are anticipated, but 56 are employed, and in the Macedonian SCPC there are only 21 employees in the professional service. Meaning, many officials – paid fantastically for a little work, and a small number of workers – for a lot of work and lower salaries. Social justice at a “high” level.
I will write to you tomorrow as to how the new law is managing with the terminology and with the regulation of the obligations with the questionnaires. So that you have time to absorb today’s accents from the Macedonian “ruthless” fight against corruption.
