Portugal will be interested to resume Germany’s efforts and Berlin has said it will remain committed to this issue. I think the European Union cannot afford 2021 to be like 2020 with enlargement failure, Deputy Prime Minister for European Affairs, Nikola Dimitrov, tells MIA in an interview, in which he also talks about Bulgaria’s blockade, the process of Europeanization of North Macedonia, the no-confidence vote filed by the opposition against him, and the capacity of the administration to be part of the EU accession negotiations.
Following is the full interview.
Deputy Prime Minister, last year will be remembered by our Euro-Atlantic integration process. We joined NATO as the 30th member, we were approved the opening of negotiations with the EU, but Bulgaria gave us the cold shoulder. Although expected, we didn’t organize the first intergovernmental conference. Was the engagement of Germany, the strong presidency holder, enough?
We’d had a difficult year, I’m deeply confident we would have a happier, much better year. In March, there’d been a major success, however it was sort of muted because it was the beginning of the hardship with the coronavirus, the beginning of the pandemic. We didn’t have the chance to even rejoice. NATO was the goal for 25 years, a quarter of a century, to enhance security, predictability, and we are here to remain within these borders. We also were given the green light, unconditionally, to start negotiations. Unfortunately, it didn’t happen. We’ve had strong support from Berlin. Chancellor (Angela) Merkel in the center of Brussels, speaking in the European Parliament, said that the first priority of the German presidency’s foreign policy was the opening of accession negotiations with North Macedonia.
There had been phone calls, including President (Frank-Walter) Steinmeier with his counterpart in Sofia, President (Rumen) Radev. We’d had the chance to discuss the issues and differences for more than six hours in the presence of both Minister Heiko Maas and Minister Michael Roth, in their capacity as mediators. I believe it was a first time for them to be in the same room for the same issue since their duties as ministers are different. All of this suggests that Germany had done everything it could. Unfortunately, the European Union on the matter functions thus: if consensus lacks, it’s enough for only one member to block the reaching of a decision. However, it matters what the others think about that. We tried, I think we managed to endure although it wasn’t easy. There were many temptations, to have a mature policy, to speak the European language, the language of values and principles. I think it’s very important that our position was understood, accepted and endorsed by all other EU members.
This is not only a battle for the Macedonian identity, it is a battle, too, for the European identity. If the EU is a community of values, with diversity, both cultural and linguistic, being one of the key values, then the battle is also a battle of the EU itself. I’m convinced that we have to fulfill these three goals simultaneously – to start negotiating, to protect and promote the Macedonian identity and Macedonian language, and to build relations of good neighborliness with Bulgaria.
It’s a rough road ahead. Very narrow and very steep. The process is in crisis; enlargement is in crisis. I think the EU’s failure to implement its own decision has sent a negative signal in a region bordering with EU countries. Phrases such as “The Balkans has European future,” “The Balkans has European perspective”, included in numerous documents, are simply not enough for the Balkan nations to truly believe in the seriousness of Europe and in what it has to sa
Portugal, next is Slovenia, has taken over the EU presidency. The former hasn’t shown any particular interest in enlargement and the Western Balkans. It has been announced that the country will deploy a diplomat in Portugal. What are the country’s 2021 European perspectives?
We’ve always done it. Whenever we have no embassy in the current holder of the EU presidency, we send a diplomat to serve as a liaison with the country at the helm of the presidency. I believe Portugal will be interested in resuming Germany’s efforts as Berlin has announced it will remain committed to the issue. I think the EU cannot afford 2021 to be like 2020 with enlargement failure. We make a mistake calling it enlargement, it’s in fact completion. Once the region becomes part of the EU, its map won’t become bigger, it’s going to stay the same. Hence, I believe completion is the more appropriate word.
Geographically speaking, Portugal isn’t near. It’s evident that this somehow affects Portugal’s priorities… In my former post as foreign minister, I’d had several meetings with the Portugal foreign minister. Portugal had used the process to join the EU with the same motivation that has been inspiring us to join the process – the country has improved democracy, provided economic growth, etc. In this regard, I believe the country will have understanding about our issue.
Slovenia is entirely different situation. It borders our region, we had been part of the same country and we share the same history. It’s our job to keep working, we have positions based on clear, crystal clear European principles and I think it’s very important that we focus on sorting things at home.
The accession process is a tool for Europeanization. But, no one is stopping us from working on Europeanization since we have not been approved to start the accession process. The more we work at home, the more our position will be stronger when we’ll be approved to start negotiating with the EU.
What defines the friendships with EU member countries? Has Bulgaria perhaps been supported by another country in blocking us?
This thesis has emerged in debates. The chairman of the General Affairs Council (GAC), Minister Michael Roth on several occasions has said that one member country had had an issue with the adoption of the negotiating framework and the opening of negotiations, i.e. the holding of the first intergovernmental conference. It’s a fact that some member countries are skeptical of the process.
The EU has its own challenges. Among other things, the fact that they failed to implement their own, unconditional decision, reached in March 2020, suggests that the EU is having trouble with the decision-making process. They faced a similar trouble to adopt the multi-year financial framework – the budget – in view of the rule of law mechanism, which is a problem in the narrative of values. Nevertheless, I believe that a stereotype is involved.
Concerning our case, from what we have learned from direct diplomatic channels, Bulgaria was the only country that didn’t approve the adoption of the negotiating framework and the opening of negotiations.
Perhaps, some countries are interested more, some less, however 26 member countries were in favor of allowing us to start negotiating. Some were more in favor, some less, but no one supported Bulgaria’s veto.
Language and identity are the country’s red lines with Bulgaria, but Sofia isn’t backing down regarding its claims about our roots, about the claim that everything before 1944 was Bulgarian history. How such disputes could be settled in the 21st century, when It involves recent history that we all remember, without inciting negative energy or bitterness?
The countries in the 21st century base their relations on principles, international law and European values. Countries recognize other countries and governments, but they don’t recognize identities or languages. It is every nation’s right to self-determination. It was the same before, but especially now, in Europe, in the 21st century. When Bulgaria recognized the independence of the then-Republic of Macedonia, it recognized our sovereign right to being who we are, Macedonians speaking Macedonian language.
Since the Lisbon Treaty, the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the European Union has had myriad documents upholding the right to self-determination. The issues, differences raised by Bulgaria lack any legal basis. We are neighbors, we are strongly interested in good relations, however, good relations cannot be built when challenged with something that is entirely our own business. I see solution to these issues only in accordance with international law, international agreements, respect…
The preamble of the Friendship Treaty signed with Bulgaria, among other things, reads that the two countries will build close and friendly relations based on mutual respect. This mutual respect involves respect of our sovereign right to be who we are, Macedonians speaking Macedonian language.
What’s included in the Action Plan, announced by PM Zoran Zaev? Is Bulgaria expected to put forward ideas for settling the dispute, what is the document’s format and could it be added to the Friendship Treaty?
The Action Plan contains proposals and suggestions on how to intensify the cooperation in areas where the Macedonian side and the Bulgarian share mutual interest – cross-border cooperation, infrastructure projects and connectivity, cultural cooperation, defence cooperation, sports and youth, education, economy, trade, tourism. All ideas and draft-activities are in accordance with the Friendship Treaty, which covers all of these areas, even though we are mainly focusing on history, unfortunately, in public debates. The Treaty also looks to the future. After being handed over to Bulgaria, we are still waiting for a response to the proposed activities in order to boost the relations where necessary. I believe it will contribute to getting closer both in terms of politics and with respect to issues we differ on.
Can you draw a parallel between the Prespa Agreement and the Friendship Treaty? Was there an opportunity to incorporate a mechanism in the Bulgaria agreement to unable it to block our EU integration process? Is it possible to see history with Greece being repeated regarding settling the dispute?
The Prespa Agreement closed an issue that had been an obligation from the UN Security Council since 1993. Under the agreement, which was made possible only because Greece had accepted our right to self-determination, we protected the Macedonian identity. Otherwise, the Prespa Agreement wouldn’t have been possible. We had completed the process of establishing our statehood and accession to the global family – let’s not forget that there we had been called Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. When it was signed, the UN Secretary General notified the Security Council, the Parliamentary Assembly and all UN members that a deal had been struck. This agreement had legal grounds in the Security Council resolution.
With Bulgaria, we share an essential interest for friendship and settling of the differences. However, the issues Bulgaria have been raising lack legal foundation. After the process in the UN had been completed, neither Bulgaria nor any other country in the world can tell us what language we should speak. It’s our business.
The Friendship Treaty says – we obviously have differences in terms of history, we’ll form a commission of historians to discuss the differences, while we, the politicians and the government, will work on the future, we’ll cooperate. We had Bulgaria’s support to join NATO, for which we are grateful, and we’ll have their support on our path to the EU according to Article 2 of the Friendship Agreement.
Hence, one of the agreements settles the issues merit-wise, while the other creates mechanism, but the nature of the issues is different. Those saying and thinking that by removing the blockade with Greece through the Prespa Agreement, we will have to now make compromises with Bulgaria to eliminate its blockade, are in fact making a mistake, they are comparing apples and oranges. The Prespa Agreement was possible because the Macedonian identity wasn’t involved. Some of the issues opened by Sofia infringes on something it has no right – the Macedonian identity. Since the Congress of Berlin, we have a different trajectory, path from Bulgaria. The feeling of who we are, it’s our business. If a unified view of all historical issues had been the precondition to join the EU, the EU wouldn’t have existed. There are many figures and events that are observed differently in one member country compared to another. To be in line with European principles, it means to learn to live with these differences and to build good relations and friendship in spite of the differences,
In history, it’s called multiperspectivity. It would be healthy we, the Macedonians, with eyes wide open to look back in our history. However, it cannot be done to harm the present and our right to self-determination; it cannot be the result of blackmail. We, the Bulgarians, and many other Balkan nations have a saying similar to “One swallow does not make a spring.”
Do you expect progress in the negotiations with Bulgaria after the country’s March elections?
If I’m not mistaken, the term of Bulgaria’s Parliament ends on March 26 and regular parliamentary elections will take place after 60 days. It’s a fact that political sensitive issues are harder to settle ahead of elections and during an election campaign.
Some Bulgarian political forces might want to use the issue in the campaign. I don’t think it could be of any help if we get involved in this narrative. I believe it’s time we take a break from this problem and basically from Bulgaria and I strongly believe it’s time to invest energy into sorting things out at home, in our own yard. It doesn’t mean we have to suspend the negotiations with Bulgaria, but I do believe our focus should be at home. Once the election is over, we should be ready to convince them that what Bulgaria had done when it was at the helm of the EU presidency, bringing back enlargement into the Union’s list of priorities, doesn’t correspond with what it has been doing recently.
The “Action 21” initiative has been announced with an emphasis on reforms. Is it some sort of replacement of negotiations so we keep on going? Is it realistic to bring Europeanization at home without being in the EU?
We’ve been working, at the Secretariat for European Affairs, on a comprehensive reform plan to bring Europe at home, which will serve to sort of enhance “Action 21” in terms of Europeanization. I will be unveiled most probably by the end of January. In October, the European Commission had presented a report and you can compare the countries according to the level of preparedness and progress. Our Macedonia in terms of political criteria is slightly better than countries already negotiating with the EU – one country for eight years and the other for more than six. It means it’s in our power how much we’ll progress. I think we won’t be alone in this process. There’s a lot of good will given the injustice, which Minister Roth called it ‘horrible mistake’ after the General Affairs Council.
We should ask for technical assistance and support, guidelines, how to make progress in implementing reforms in public administration, rule of law and judiciary, environment, digitization, fight against corruption and to create a network of supporters, so the next time our file is opened, to make it uncomfortable for anyone who might not back the opening of negotiations. The citizens too, I believe, will feel it.
Settling of disputes and closing this stages is like climbing a mountain, but on their own they don’t make any difference in the lives of Macedonian citizens. Difficult reforms implemented step by step can make a difference in their lives. Not only adoption of a law, but more importantly implementation of a law. Freedom of the media is also crucial. This year we will organize local elections, which takes up energy and resources. So let’s use the coming months to focus at home. I think it’s a wise thing to do.
After taking office as head of the Secretariat for European Affairs, what’s your opinion of the administration capacities to lead the negotiations for several years?
The Secretariat is the coordinator of reforms. In some way, we are tasked with it, however our results depend on other ministries as well. Our role in the whole process is triple – coordination of the reform agenda, coordination of the IPA structure in charge of the absorption of European funds, and translation of the European legislation into Macedonia. In all of these three pillars of our power, we have to make a visible difference.
After a hiatus of one decade, over 100 highly qualified translators have been hired to translate this year the European legislation into Macedonian.
As regards IPA, we are in a phase of programming IPA 3 and we have five years left to use completely IPA 2. We’re at crossroads to see whether we are organized well not to miss chances opened with these funds to have clean rivers, constructed roads, constructed railways, clean air, etc. It’s key to take measures to keep staff with IPA expertise. Millions of euros depend on their decision-making, skills and knowledge. These people should be appreciated, they should be motivated to remain civil servants and to even work more intensely.
After setting up a working group, we’ll send proposals to the government, by the end of March at the latest, containing concrete measures based on comparative experiences. It’s key to elevate the IPA structure in order to get the place it deserves so as to exhaust the opportunities opened by European funds. Also, I believe we’ll need more commitment to the coordination of the reform agenda. The previous plans, including the 3-6-9 Plan, were good. We have clear directions from the EC’s October report and a list of tasks, but I do believe this year we’ll need to focus on the steps we need to make in order to say after several months – we are better than we used to be. This is the objective of the plan we are about to unveil.
No-confidence vote was filed against you as foreign minister, now you’re also facing no-confidence vote. What’s the reason? Have you been in posts that involve taking risky steps, going out of the comfort zone, or simply the opposition likes criticizing you?
If I’m not mistaken, this is the third no-confidence vote and the first one after the first 100 days in office. I’m not comfortable saying this, but the no-confidence vote is a compliment to me. It suggests I’ve been doing something that bothers the opposition, which doesn’t mind the homeland being collateral damage in the political battle for our country. It was obvious from their actions or inactions as regards the Prespa Agreement. However, it’s becoming more visible now regarding the Bulgaria issue. As long as we have an opposition that it’s not on the nation’s side in difficult moments, the opposition won’t be a true political alternative regardless of how many mistakes the government has made. Unfortunately, the government has made mistakes, we have a lot to do to justify the trust of the public. They are not doing the Macedonian people any favor by practically disqualifying themselves as being the political alternative with the moves they’ve been making.
The Macedonian interests cannot be collateral damage, it’s impermissible. I’ll be completely honest when facing off with the opposition lawmakers and with this politically schizophrenic position. I’m still not sure why the no-confidence vote was filed; is it because we failed to start the negotiations or because we had been allegedly trading with our national interests. If we had traded, we’d have opened the negotiations. No negotiations means we had protected the national interests.
We have an opposition that cannot wait to hear bad news; if there is no bad news, they are making them up. Is there someone who can look himself in the mirror, a former foreign minister, whose allegations had been rebutted by the ambassadors of EU countries. The most recent case involved the Netherlands and Denmark. Or the deputy president of the opposition party, who has been blaming the government when something is wrong, but when something good happens, he says it is because of what they have done. He was also directly rebutted by Slovakia and the Czech Republic.
Our plan is clear – we want to secure a better future and predictability for the next generation. We made it with NATO, we’ll make it to Europeanize, we’ll make it with EU membership, but not at any cost. We’ll protect the Macedonian identity and we’ll finally succeed. It will be better for the government if there is real pressure and a competition among the people wanting the country to go in the same direction – to compete as to who is more capable, more honest and more hardworking.
I also believe it’s a good thing [the opposition] experienced defeat in the local elections this year, for finally a new force there to emerge that will truly challenge the parties of the ruling coalition.
You’ve already mentioned some of the Secretariat’s future plans. More precisely, how the Secretariat will resume awaiting the adoption of the negotiating framework this year?
I think I’ve already answered the question. Finally, after ten years, we’ll work intensely on translating the European legislation into Macedonian, which is basically our obligation, because Macedonian will become an official, equal language in the EU once we join the bloc as full-fledged member. As regards IPA, we have a lot to do, this is going to be a crucial year.
For some projects, we recorded success – for example the Macedonian Railways Public Enterprise. After a new management took office, the operational agreement – the condition paving the way for European funds to be invested in Corridor 8 and the railway – was finally signed. There were obstructions there for several years. Regarding the reform agenda, this month we’ll unveil a plan and we’ll have an open and regular communication with the public through the media, to inform the Macedonian citizens where we are doing well and where we aren’t. This is going to be our role in the coming period.
Mr. Dimitrov, what’s your New Year’s message for MIA’s readers and viewers?
First of all, I wish the Macedonian citizens health. It won’t be hard this year to be better than the last one. We’d had an extremely difficult year. I definitely had a difficult year personally. I think we should have faith in ourselves and we have to overcome this via the social network – a major gap and a lot of anger. The virus has taught us that we cannot be good if those around us aren’t good. We are in this together and let’s show who we are and what we can do.
May 2021 be the year when we’ll show that we can. I keep saying – we’ll make it. We experienced a blow, I have to say, it was injustice. But, it shouldn’t discourage us, let us not fall into despair where mistakes can be easily made. Let us remain mature, let us be committed and do what we have to do to move ahead and put things in order in our house.
Neda Dimova Prokikj
Translated: Bisera Altiparmakova
Photos: Darko Popov
Video: Aslan Vishko
