DIANA TAHIRI
Ahead of the local elections scheduled for October 19, 2025, the Albanian political bloc in North Macedonia enters the campaign divided and with intensified competition, both among former partners and old rivals. Some rivalries, however, are disappearing and new alliances are being formed.
The past few months have been marked by dynamic shifts on the political map, the most significant being Arben Taravari’s departure from the VLEN coalition and his move into the opposition camp, which created a new center of gravity on the Albanian political scene. In this pre-election atmosphere, three dominant narratives are shaping the public discourse among Albanian parties:
- the European integration of the country
- protection of the rights of the Albanian community and
- the role of Tirana and Pristina in domestic politics.
These topics, though constantly present in rhetoric, have taken on a sharper tone in the last few months, becoming the basis for positioning, pre-election alliances, but also for mutual accusations that will define the battle for voters’ trust in October.
Albanian Bloc 2025: What do the three dominant narratives tell us?
- EU Integration: Between principles and pragmatism
After the elections in May 2024, the new government of Hristijan Mickoski (VMRO-DPMNE) was formed with the Albanian coalition VLEN and ZNAM, with a publicly pronounced orientation towards the EU, which remained only at a declarative level, that is, without materializing the continuation of the European integration process.
The process is actually stalled on the issue of constitutional amendments regarding the Bulgarian minority—a condition for continuing negotiations—which Prime Minister Mickoski refuses to accept.
The VLEN coalition, in the period before finally entering into a coalition with the government, insisted that at least within three months of the beginning of the government – this issue of including Bulgarians in the Constitution would be resolved. But that did not happen, and VLEN, further to the demands of the public for answers, on this issue, extended it for another three months.
This blockade is being used by the opposition DUI party, insisting and indicating that there are no real deliveries.
DUI –from opposition, claims to be the guarantor of the Ohrid Framework Agreement and the country’s European path, strongly reacting to any setback of multiethnic standards and demanding institutional responses.
VLEN (Besa/Alternativa/Democratic Movement) – as part of the government in 2024/25, defends the thesis that changes come through reforms, but it is under pressure due to slow progress and internal disagreements.
According to the monitoring and analyses of the sociopolitical processes carried out by CIVIL, as to the amendments to the constitution, the coalition partner of the government, VLEN, only follows, remains in the shadow, that is, it often sounds only like an “echo” of the decisions and policies of the ruling VMRO-DPMNE party.
Taravari’s Alternative (Alliance for Albanians – Taravari’s faction) – after leaving the government, intensified criticism that the “promises” were not delivered, precisely in the field of the EU agenda and rule of law.
- Protection of Albanian rights: Mobilizing around symbolic and institutional issues
The issues of language and institutional rights remain a mobilizing point. DUI regularly uses the “guardian of multiethnicity” frame and reacts to incidents and institutional gaps, this narrative brings it visibility among its core (stable membership), especially when state responses are perceived as slow or weak. In the meanwhile, debates over the implementation/review of the Law on the Use of Languages and occasional ethnic tensions, keep the issue high on the agenda for both the government and the opposition in the Albanian political bloc.
Key effect for the campaign: topics about language, representation, and institutional responsiveness will be a “turbo-narrative” ahead of the local elections, where local administrations are directly measured on services delivery and inclusion.
The lost battle over the Balancer: One of the most controversial steps of the new government of Hristijan Mickoski, with support of the coalition partner VLEN, was the abolition of the so-called “Balancer”- an administrative tool that guaranteed fair representation in public sector employment according to ethnicity. The Balancer was introduced as direct institutional implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, with the purpose to overcome the historical imbalance in the representation of ethnic communities, especially of the smaller ones.
Even though over the years this tool has been often abused—with fictitious data, manipulations in competitions, and clientelism—it, nevertheless, remained both a symbol and a practical mechanism for ethnic equality. Hence, the decision for its abolition is perceived as a blow to one of the key pillars of the Ohrid Agreement.
Reactions in the Albanian public were strong. Many accused VLEN of political incompetence and breaking its promises to protect the rights of Albanians, while DUI was criticized for failing to reform the Balancer and prevent its abuse during its long mandate.
This issue is not just administrative, but also a fundamental test of whether there is political will to maintain and improve the existing mechanisms for multiethnic balance.
- The role of Tirana and Pristina: Aid, influence or abandonment of the autonomy?
Relations with Albania and Kosovo—and perceptions of their influence—remain sensitive. In 2024/25, public messages from Tirana and Pristina were often read through the internal competition between DUI and VLEN.
“Interferences” often come at the call of domestic actors, which raises the dilemma of whether the legitimacy is intensified or undermining the independence of local Albanian parties.
Additionally, symbolic gestures (for example, praise for Ali Ahmeti in Tirana) feed the perception of “external weighing” in the Albanian political balance in Skopje, while the sporadic and symbolic meetings between VLEN and Albin Kurti remain only symbolic.
Albin Kurti, Pristina (Kosovo): Albanian political actors from North Macedonia, including those from VLEN, were supported by Prime Minister Albin Kurti. He publicly welcomed and supported the presidential candidates, seemingly strengthening Pristina’s influence in the local political game. DUI responded with accusations that such an intervention fragments the Albanian political scene and undermines its legitimacy.
Edi Rama, Tirana (Albania): Previously, within the framework of parliamentary cooperation, DUI leaders reached out to Albanian authorities (the President and Prime Minister), requesting international pressure to protect the rights of Albanians in North Macedonia.
Both the ruling coalition, VLEN, and the opposition DUI, use their “ties” with Tirana and Pristina to portray themselves as the true representatives of the Albanian community in the country.
Arben Taravari: From a key pillar in VLEN to an independent/opposition player
In May 2025, Taravari’s Alliance for Albanians withdrew from the government coalition, citing a series of “unfulfilled promises.” This move opened the biggest rift in the Albanian bloc since the 2024 elections and reformatted the space between VLEN and DUI.
Publicly, Taravari didn’t open the door to DUI; in the spring, he left two options—to continue with VLEN or to act independently. After leaving the government in May, the political gravity is moving towards an independent run of the Alliance (Taravari’s faction) with an opposition profile, with sharpened rhetoric toward some of the former partners (Besa/VLEN). This is confirmed by his statements before the campaign and the subsequent escalation of mutual accusations.
After leaving the government, Taravari repeatedly reiterated his criticism of the government in that the “promises” had not been delivered, precisely in the areas of the EU agenda and rule of law.
What does all this mean in Parliament?
Following the 2024/25 reallocations, a separate “AA – Taravari” group appeared in the structure of the Parliament, which institutionally strengthened the impression of a permanent split with the rest of VLEN.
How is the Albanian scene being reshaped at the local level?
Fragmentation of votes: Taravari’s exit risks fragmenting the Albanian electorate in multiple municipalities where DUI and VLEN previously entered “head-to-head” against each other; now another competitive pole is being added. This could reduce the negotiating power of Albanian parties after the elections and increase the weight of the second rounds and inter-party agreements.
DUI as an “experienced machine”: The party brings a network and experience and according to actions on the ground, it is already trying to capitalize on the division between opponents, while pushing topics related to the rights of Albanians and institutional stability.
VLEN faces a serious test: It will have to balance its performance in central government with local expectations, amid contested cohesion and public direct clashes with Taravari.
(AA) Taravari: An independent run could bring enough mandates to condition the second round of voting, especially in municipalities with narrow differences and influences from the diaspora, and in Gostivar he continues with the candidacy of his deputy Valbon Limani.
Three Scenarios
Status quo with DUI advantage: The fragmented opposition allows DUI to return or retain part of the urban municipalities where in 2021 and 2024 it was challenged. In the upcoming elections, it will lead the main battle in Cair, with its candidate, former Minister of Foreign Affairs Bujar Osmani challenges VLEN’s candidate, former senior DUI official and Mayor of the Municipality of Cair, Izet Mexhiti, to a duel
“Triangle” and bargaining: In most municipalities, VLEN and AA (Taravari) run separately; the second round becomes the subject of trilateral negotiations, where support is shifting municipality by municipality.
Recomposition after the first round of elections: If VLEN’s results are weaker than the expected, a post-election rapprochement with Taravari’s faction is possible to prevent DUI dominance in key municipalities. This is only if AA Taravari does not get closer to DUI.
Conclusion: Three narratives, one battle – trust
EU integration, the rights of Albanians, and the Tirana–Pristina line remain the “framework” within which Albanian parties will run their campaign, but also the arena in which their ability to build trust among their own electorate and mobilize broader support will be put to the test.
In conditions of intensified competition and fragmentation of votes, the question isn’t just who will win more municipalities, but who will succeed in asserting themselves as the legitimate representative of the Albanian community in the next political cycle.
Translation: N. Cvetkovska
